Tanulmány
The Exotic Expectations and the Reality of Napoleon Bonaparte’s Middle Eastern Expedition, or Egypt as Seen by Three Savarys
The records of travellers greatly shaped the image of Egypt formed during the French expansion at the end of the 18th century. They were either intellectual or military travellers, who had their own attitudes and points of view that influenced their observations. The intellectual type was motivated by gathering scientific data, even though these travels often had political or diplomatic aspects. This is also true the other way around, a diplomatic mission in the early modern period always had intellectual and cultural results, partly due to the new knowledge acquired during these missions. The origins of this point of view date back to the 16th century, but it arguably reached its peak during Napoleon Bonaparte’s Egyptian campaign. In the eyes of Europe Egypt was synonymous with the wonder of secrets ready to be uncovered ever since the Renaissance. This study examines the changes in the image of Egypt through three works created in different eras and contexts. François Savary de Brèves (1560–1628) travelled the Middle East as a successful diplomat, and during these travels became a knowledgeable Orientalist, who devoted the last decades of this life to making the science and culture of the “Orient” more widely known. The writer and Egyptologist Claude- Etienne Savary (1750–1788) spoke perfect Arabic, and his 1776-1777 journey to Egypt can be considered one of the first literary journeys to Egypt, long before Chateaubriand and Lamartine. In his highly influential Letters, the man of the Enlightenment examines the monumental relics and the contemporary society of a non-European, but nonetheless ancient civilization, and creates the idyllic, desire-driven image of Egypt. The third author, Anne Jean Marie René Savary (1774–1833), who later became Napoleon’s Minister of Police, was an officer in the Egyptian campaign. As a member of the occupying force, he became the chronicler of the French regime in Egypt. However, his account of the French administration and modernization efforts fails to mention most of the problems (being one of the precursors of the later colonial “quest for civilisation”) and proves inadequate when contrasted with other sources.
Nationalism, Oppression, Famine. Lebanon in the First World War
Although the autonomous administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire, the territory of the Lebanese highlands was not affected directly by the battles of the First World War, it thus suffered the conflict in an extraordinary way. The Ottoman governor of Damascus, Djemal Pasha, occupied the mountains in the Autumn of 1914, and abolished its autonomy the following year. In 1915, he began to systematically persecute Arab nationalists, dozens of whom were executed. Food shortages had even more serious consequences, killing more than a hundred thousand people. The situation was complicated by the claims of Middle Eastern actors (Britain, France, Arab insurgents) for Lebanon. As a result of a power bargain at the Paris Peace Conference, in 1920 France separated the territorially enlarged Lebanon from Syria and made it its mandatory territory.
From the International Brigades to the French Army. The Struggle of Hungarian Volunteers Against Fascism
More than eighty years have passed since the end of the Spanish Civil War. During this time, several books were written detailing the background, the events and the participants of the conflict. Understandably, in Hungary, special attention was paid to Hungarian volunteers fighting among the ranks of International Brigades, so their history was examined in many different types of work. At the same time, the French archival resources were not available for a long time in connection with the role of Hungarian volunteers of the French army who were kept in internment camps in France. Fortunately, this circumstance has changed over the last few years, so today we can try to shed light on the further military role of Hungarian veterans of the International Brigades in France. Surprisingly, few of the Hungarian veterans of the Spanish Civil War interned in France were among the two thousand Hungarians who served in the French armed forces during 1939–40. According to the available data, this fact was mainly due to the rapid change of the political climate in the second half of 1939, which deterred the vast majority of Hungarians who were otherwise ready to fight the Germans.
The Most French Algerian. The Political Career of Ferhat Abbas Through the Algerian National Movement
Ferhat Abbas is the most interesting, and at the same time “most French” figure of the Algerian national movement. His thoughts and actions were guided by the “quest for civilization”, which was also the justification of the colonial expansion of the Third Republic. His political career is also the story of the Algerian nationalist movement. Throughout his life he always adhered to the “French ideals”, and the tripartite motto of the French Revolution: liberté, égalité, fraternité. In the 1920s he fought for the French assimilation of Algeria, he wanted it to become a province of France, but after the end of the World War he tried to have his country implement the “French ideals” as an independent state. However, none of the French governments supported his plans, so he joined those fighting for national liberation. His life in the independent Algeria was full of struggle and disappointment. He didn’t see the creation, only the death of the “French ideals” and liberal democracy, and the emergence of a personalist dictatorship, the sovietisation of the country à la Fidel Castro. He couldn’t follow the revolutionary changes that characterized many of the young countries newly freed from colonial rule, they were incompatible with his ideals and mentality. He couldn’t accept arbitrary decisions, for him institutions legitimized by elections were the basis of the political system. Barely a year after the country becoming independent, he resigned as the President of the National Assembly. This resignation meant the end of his political career: he was forced into opposition, and he was a victim of frequent harassment. In 1964‒1965 he was interned to the southern regions, and in 1976 and 1977 he was under house arrest. One of the greatest figures of the Algerian national movement was left more and more alone. He was a tragic hero. He felt betrayed, as the “French ideals” were not implemented either by their creator, France, or his home country.
A Way Out of the Dictatorship. International Aspects of Spain’s Democratic Transition (1975–1982)
General Francisco Franco’s dictatorship ended in Spain in 1975, the next almost ten years were crucial for the Spanish kingdom. The country had to reposition itself in the international context in order to redefine its role in accordance with its size, geopolitical importance, political and economic weight. The task was not easy in this area either: along with the challenges the country faced in the field of internal affairs, the overwhelming shadow of the dictatorship that had existed for thirty-six years had to be overcome in terms of foreign policy as well. Although the country’s international relations improved during the last twenty years of the regime, important measures had to be taken with the purpose of transforming Spain into a country that could be regarded as a Western European democracy. The aim of my article is to describe how this Iberian country tried to return to the democratic system of international relations and how foreign governments reacted to Spain’s endeavours.
Halford Mackinder and the Imperial Federalism of the Fin de Siécle
British geographer Halford Mackinder belonged to a generation born during the zenith of the British Empire. During his lifetime, however, this generation had to grapple with the fact of decline. The fear, ever more obvious as the end of the 19th century approached, was demonstrated by the idea of an imperial federation. This initiative, born in the 1870s, aimed at creating unity across the Empire. The concept essentially stated that in the 20th century, Britain cannot keep up with the new superpowers, Russia and the US, unless she organizes her colonies scattered around the globe into an organic community. This, however, became one of the most divisive debates in that era’s public life, as the imperial federalists wanted to discard free trade. This was met with heavy resistance. Mackinder, who considered the Russian Empire as the greatest threat, dedicated a large portion of his academic and political life to the issue of federation. He was an unwavering believer in the Empire, which belief he based on Social Darwinism. He deemed most important that the UK answers the new challenges of the new century in accordance with its dominions. Only the principle of one for all, all for one would guarantee the Anglo-Saxon hegemony in the world - for this, turning the Empire into a federation was indispensable.
Dissimilation Among The ’Assimilationist’ Jews 1848–1914
Hungarian Jewish historiography has until now neglected to scrutinize whether Neolog Jews living in Dualist Hungary were truly as enthusiastically “assimilationist” – or simply “integrationist” – as this historiography has commonly depicted them. A close reading of articles published in Neolog Jewish journals, rabbinic sermons, pamphlets and works of fiction reveals a more nuanced picture. Obviously, Neolog Jews did not elaborate any consciously articulated agenda of dissimilation. In fact, the historical significance of the tiniest utterances of dissimilationist views must be appreciated against the pressure of a liberal but also nationalist political elite which stressed repeatedly and in the strongest terms Jews’ duty no to differ in the slightest sense from their non-Jewish compatriots. Yet despite this pressure, dissimilationist voices existed, from isolated calls to keep a Jewish national consciousness to regrets about an exaggeratedly exclusive identification with “Hungarianness,” from expressions of nostalgia for the self-isolating premodern Jewish world to outright rejections of the assimilationist ideal. As this article aims to show, these various expressions of dissimilationist opinions were a certainly marginal yet also constant feature of Neolog Jewish intellectual life between 1867 and 1918.
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